SCMP (South China Morning Post): Epic debate on Article 23 reaches a climax
05/03/2003 Another landmark step will be taken today in what is becoming a rapid march towards the passing
of controversial new national security laws in Hong Kong. Sixty groups and individuals will line up at Legco to express their views on the government's
blue bill, in the third and final public participation session. Ahead of the session,
Solicitor-General Bob Allcock revealed to the South China Morning Post that a package of proposed
amendments to the bill is likely to be put before the Executive Council for approval before
lawmakers complete their scrutiny. Participants at the public session will be given just five
minutes to speak, with the Law Society and Bar Association competing for space with the April Fifth
Action Group and the Tseung Kwan O Fujianese Association. The process has been labelled a charade by lawyers and legal academics who fear that a
combination of the Sars outbreak, party politics and the government's determination to have the bill
passed by July are preventing rational debate of crucial legal issues. Former Bar Association chairman Ronny Tong Ka-wah SC, said: "I have come to the rather
pessimistic point of view that if they want to pass these laws in record time, let them do so.
History will say one of the most important pieces of legislation Hong Kong has ever passed was
rushed through in three or four months, and the so-called public consultation is an absolute
farce." The legislation, to be passed under Article 23 of the Basic Law, has been dubbed Hong Kong's
ticking time bomb by the Human Rights Monitor. Introducing the crimes of subversion and secession,
and giving the government a new power to ban groups, it has prompted unprecedented concern about the
potential erosion of rights and freedoms. The two previous sessions in which the public were invited to express their views to the relevant
bills committee were dominated by pro-mainland groups wanting to assert their patriotism and their
belief that the laws should be passed as quickly as possible. There was little debate on the
substance of the bill. Mr Tong described the process as "five minutes for people who have nothing to say except to
express their political stance". Today's session, which was added after complaints that many groups did not know of the
arrangements for previous meetings until after the deadlines had passed, might be more interesting.
Among those seeking to make their five minutes count will be the Falun Gong spiritual movement,
which is banned on the mainland, human rights watchdog Amnesty International and former
solicitor-general Daniel Fung Wah-kin SC. But this level of public participation is a far cry from the scenes last December, when an
estimated 60,000 people took to the streets to protest against the proposed laws, in the biggest
demonstration since Hong Kong's return to China. Drawn from a wide section of society, they were driven by fears that the laws would curb their
freedoms and change forever Hong Kong's traditional way of life. A week later, around 40,000 rallied to show their support for the legislation, amid concerns the
issue would prompt a damaging split in society. Media coverage was dominated by the debate and it
seemed everyone, from the US State Department to worried artists in Hong Kong, was expressing
concern about the impact of the proposals. All this was only a few months ago, but it already seems to belong to a different era. The
outbreak of severe acute respiratory syndrome (Sars) in March has already changed Hong Kong's way of
life and given people something much more dangerous and urgent to contend with. But, as critics of the laws are quick to point out, the concerns that drove thousands to the
streets in December have not gone away. And once the national security laws are on the statute
books, they are likely to remain in force long after Sars has been beaten. Some prominent academics and lawyers have even called for the whole process to be postponed,
given that public interest in Article 23 has understandably slumped while the community tackles the
disease. Some of these concerns were eased when the Security Bureau announced a number of changes to
the proposals - which it prefers to call "clarifications" - earlier this year. These went
further than many had expected, and were clearly a response to worries expressed by the public. However, many fundamental questions remain about how the new laws will be implemented, what their
scope will be, and the extent to which they may impinge on rights and freedoms. The Bar Association
has submitted a detailed 24-page paper which seeks explanations from the government on many
different aspects of the bill. What, it asks, is meant by "intimidating" the central
government under the new treason law. What would constitute "disestablishing" the basic
system of the People's Republic of China, as set out in the subversion offence? The paper questions
the vague wording of laws that prohibit the handling of seditious material, and argues that economic
or commercial data might be covered by a new category of secret information concerning "Hong
Kong affairs within the responsibility of the central authorities". Similar concerns have been
raised by legal academics. In particular, the new power to ban organisations on national security
grounds has come in for particular criticism. And the Article 23 Concern Group, comprising prominent
lawyers and academics, has released a booklet for the public called "Why the Blue Bill is Not
Good Enough". In the light of such concerns, the legislative process was clearly going to be of
vital importance. But the first reading of the bill was marked by a walkout by legislators opposed
to its provisions. A record 50 lawmakers joined the bills committee, whose job is to scrutinise
legislative bills: the majority was from the pro-government camp. But the workings of the committee
have been plagued by political infighting. Pro-government legislators are seeking to ensure progress
is sufficiently swift to meet the government's July deadline for passage, while pro-democracy
opponents do their best to delay the proceedings. There have been walkouts, allegations that the committee chairman is improperly consulting with
officials, and at times only five of the 50 committee members have remained in meetings. "I am
very concerned about the bills committee. I am wasting my time there," said Margaret Ng
Ngoi-yee, a barrister and the legal sector's representative in Legco. The meetings invariably begin with a "great clash of political positions," she said. Ms
Ng said she felt frustrated that her questions were not being properly addressed by the government
and that there was insufficient consideration of the views of the legal profession and academics. Ms Ng said the committee was simply not doing its job. "This is a working party. It is our
job to make the bill as free from errors as possible, regardless of whether you are in favour of the
legislation or against it." [...]
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